Chapter 9
Is = $
The need which a word-gift satisfies is not a need directly
for the object, or a need to consume it. That is why we do not
have to carry the things we are talking about around with us, like
the philosophers in Jonathan Swift's Gulliver's
Travels. As our experience goes on, ever-new communicative needs arise
to establish human relations of inclusion with one another, in
regard to all the parts of the world. We satisfy those
communicative needs by giving verbal gifts to establish the relations, instead
of giving and receiving material gifts. By doing this, we
transform what might have seemed an objective world into an
intensely giftgiving world, in which humans interact with each other
on the gift basis, at least in this one area of their lives, all the
time. Linguistic giftgiving continues to happen, whatever else we
do, even when we are acting in very inhumane ways towards
each other. Indeed, if we could bring our actions in the material
world into alignment with the gift aspects of language, we would
have the basis for the flowering of humanity.
Word-gifts, however, have several advantages over
most material gifts. First, words are easy for humans to make and
store. Second, the different instances of a word are used by us as
one word. This collapsing of the different sound events into
one allows the possibility of the word's being for each of us the
'same thing' that it is for others. It also makes the word
something which can easily be in two, or many, places at the same
time. Third, these peculiarities give rise to the generality of the
word, in that it can be used over and over by many, as something
to which things can be related and with regard to which
human relations can be established. A word can be made by
virtually anyone and also received by virtually anyone.
The act of substitution of verbal gifts for material gifts, as
well as for 'immaterial' things, events, situations, ideas which are
seen as for-others, is a specifically human act. The word is a
special
Figure 14. Substituting the acts of substitution inserts a meta moment into the sentence. As the single substitute for acts of substitution, 'is' becomes very general.
kind of substitute gift and the communicative needs which
it satisfies are specifically human needs, which have also adapted
to the means of their satisfaction. Multiply the needs by the
number of things there are to talk about that are relevant enough
to people to occasion a single word-gift (a name) to arise in
their regard, and we have a linguistic gift plenum of an immense variety and combinability, in which each word participates as one
among many and which everyone in the community can potentially use.
To Be Meta
There is one abstract word, the verb 'to be' (also called
the 'copula'), which has given philosophers a great deal to
think about. Although it is not used in all languages, where it does
exist its presence is intriguing. Its quantitative and logical
transcription as '=' seems to be as widespread as the market economy. I
believe that in the definition, the verb 'to be' is a word-gift which
satisfies a communicative need arising from the very sentence in which
it is embedded. It substitutes for the acts of gift-substitution
just performed or about to be performed by the other words in
the sentence. In 'a cat is a domestic feline,' 'is' is the substitute gift
for the act of gift-substitution, which is performed by means of
'cat.' At the same time, it substitutes for the next
gift-substitution, 'domestic feline,' which can thus be seen as an act of the
same kind as 'cat.' Taking the verb 'to be' as a word-gift substitute
for other gift acts, which are happening within the sentence of
which it is a part, allows us to consider it a 'meta' part of the sentence.
(See Figure 14.) This accounts for the present-time character
of the verb 'to be,' since its referents (the 'things' related to it)
are immediately there, happening in the same sentence. This act
of word-gift substitution is itself a service, done for the other
person. It satisfies a meta sentential communicative need, the need for
a word re-presentation of the acts happening in the
present sentence, establishing a relation between persons to them in
the here and now. This insertion of a shift into a meta moment
inside the sentence mediates its function as a definition, allowing
the definiendum to substitute for the definiens.
If language does indeed function according to
the principle of substitute giftgiving, it should be clear that a
very large number of acts of substitution must be occurring all
the time as we speak. The act is itself a very general one. The
word which functions as substitute gift for the act of substitution
is therefore the most general of words. There are no other
words at the same level of generality. This does not prevent it
from remaining humble and being used abundantly. It is because
of its unique position that the verb 'to be' is itself difficult
to define, but we do try to define it, since it seems to be just
a word like any other. Our minds boggle and seem to expand
to the whole world and contract to the immediate present,
when we say such things as 'being is.' Perhaps this is
because 'being'--the verb 'to be'--is a meta word-gift (not a
simple substitute, but the gift-substitute for the act of word
gift-substitution itself). It is both very general and does not have
a group of terms at its own level of generality to which it
could be opposed as a value.1
In order for words and the communicative needs
which they satisfy to develop, there has to be a verbal plane that
is maintained as a common-place alongside the rest of life.
When things become important enough on the nonverbal plane,
they acquire a permanent communicative gift on the verbal
plane in the form of a word. We use that word as we shift
our communicative giftgiving from the nonverbal to the
verbal plane. That shift may be seen as a substitution: we access
the verbal gift and use it in place of the nonverbal gift (or in
the definition, in place of other verbal gifts) to create bonds
with another. It is this shift or act of substitution itself that
we name when we say 'is.' That is why we can use 'is' both
when we speak of something that is nonverbal, pointing it
out (deixis), as in 'That is a cat,' and when we use a
verbal definiens, 'A cat is a furry friendly animal with a long tail.'
In both cases, 'is' re-presents the shift from a nonverbal to
a verbal gift. One, from the reality plane to the verbal
(passing
through the relatively empty place-taker 'that') and the
other from the reality plane to the verbal plane, and then again to
a more constant element of the verbal plane.
Sentences combine general collective word-gifts to
satisfy contingent and particular communicative needs. Each of
the aspects of a situation or event, taken singly, can be seen as
related to a word-gift, its name. When the words are taken together
in sequence (what linguists call the axis of 'metonymy'),
they combine and collaborate with each other (by giving to
and receiving from each other), particularizing each other to satisfy
a particular communicative need arising from the situation
which the speaker and listener are addressing. Together, they are
a provisional and fleeting way of bringing forward some elements
of the world as relevant, distinguishing them from elements that
are not relevant. They provide a combination of words to which
the relevant elements are related, at least for the
moment.2
The relation between words and things, as well as the
concept relation we have been discussing, take place on what linguists
have called the axis of 'metaphor.' Here things at different levels
are related to one another on the basis of an equivalence and
the ability of an element on one plane to take the place of others
on another. The axis of metaphor often involves the
one-many polarity.3 Metonymy and metaphor work together in discourse,
as well as in definitions. Strings of words (metonymy), many of
which are individually in one-many relations with the things for
which they are substitute gifts (metaphor), are put together according
to transposed gift relations. Providing a word as a substitute gift
is itself a particular kind of service.
The verb 'to be' constitutes an intersection and a
passage between the two axes of metonymy (contiguity) and
metaphor (substitution). As a substitute gift for the act of substitution, it
is metaphor, but as a substitute placed alongside the things
for which it stands (the other acts of gift-substitution in
the sentence), it is contiguous and forms a metonymical
succession. As we saw above, on the axis of contiguity, a sentence replays
gift relations which could take place on the nonverbal
level. However, the definition differs from other types of
sentences, because it is constructed according to layers of substitution,
in which the definiens serves as provisional word-gift phrase for
the kind of thing being defined, and the definiendum then takes the place of the definiens as the constant and general name of
that kind of thing for the listener. The definition is a service
the speaker performs for the listener, creating an inclusive
relation and giving, in the moment, something (a word gift) that may
last the listener's lifetime.
Such logical connectives as 'both/and,' 'either/or,' and
'not' modify (are given to) the verb 'to be,' so as to make it
the substitute gift for the act of substitution of two or more items
'a cat is both a feline and a domestic animal,' one of two items 'a
cat is either feline or canine,' or for something other than the
item mentioned. 'A cat is not a canine' says that the first term does
not satisfy the same general communicative need as the second
term and, therefore, cannot be substituted for it. Syllogistic
'if/then' ("if all a's are b's and all b's are c's, then all a's are c's") says
that 'a,' 'b,' 'c' are gift substitutes for the same 'thing.' The principle
of gift-substitution, shifting planes, functions between language
and the world, as well as within language itself in the definition and
at a meta level with the verb 'to be' in the definition.
On the other hand, when we use the verb 'to be' to
describe something in the world, 'the dog is brown,' we use 'is' to 'give'
or attribute 'brown' to 'dog.' The dog has the 'property' or gift
of being brown (given by the universe or the dog painter, the
source is not at issue). A thorough discussion of all of the possibilities
of the interpretation of language using the gift paradigm,
though
fascinating, would make this book too long and academic. I
want only to suggest some of the possibilities in order to go on to
the discussion of exchange for money in their light.
The definition is different from the sentences of
ongoing discourse, because it has more to do with the process of
gift-substitution itself and serves a meta linguistic gift
function, satisfying the need of the listener for a word she does not
have. However, in a sense, the definition has been drained of
its giftgiving aspects for centuries by patriarchal philosophers
and linguists, for whom it seemed to be expressing
'objective'4 aseptic relations among words, instead of relations among persons.
These objective relations among words are regulated by abstract laws
of syntax similar to the abstract laws which regulate our
masculated society.
We can restore the gift principle to language,
recognizing that the patterns of gift relations among persons continue
in language and are also trans-lated or shifted from the human
level to the verbal. Since misogyny has blinded us and kept us
from recognizing those relations among persons, we have
never thought of looking for them in language. Instead, we
have recognized abstract and arbitrary laws similar to those we
create for the regulation of masculated behavior in patriarchy. We
might ask if our laws are a syntax used to regulate the self-supremacy
of each of our isolated incarnated (male) words, or if our idea
of syntax is extrapolated from our rules of domination,
command and obedience. It might also seem that the verb 'to be' drains
the sentence of giftgiving just as masculation drains the society.
Actually, I believe that this appearance comes from the
fact that the verb 'to be' is associated with the definition (which
is
itself originally a benign process) where the mechanism
of substitution is used internally in a way which is different from
the flow of speech. The giftgiving in the definition takes
place between persons at a meta linguistic level through a
substitution of words for other words. Since the process is different from
the rest of speech, its gifts may not be apparent, and the
'over-taking' function of the definiendum may appear to be the 'fault' of
the verb 'to be.' However, it is really the primordial use of
the definition in masculation (the different levels of substitution
and the hall-of-mirrors effect) that rubs off on the verb 'to be,'
giving it a bad name. Some people involved with General
Semantics have felt that they should avoid the verb 'to be' altogether,
and they have eliminated it from their
speech.5 It is not the verb 'to be' which is parasitic upon humanity, however, but puer-patri-archy. Returning to the gift paradigm in economics (as
in language) will allow, among many other things, the restoration
of the verb 'to be'to its rightful place as part of the mother tongue.
Being and Money
The same thing happens in the definition with 'to be'
that happens now in exchange for money--which is a substitute
for the act of substitution of another's product for one's own,
and one's own product for that of another. The substitution
happens even though the products themselves are
particular--not standing as general, but only as particular equivalents
and substitutes for the products of the person with whom
the exchange takes place. Moreover, the act of substitution is not
yet complete when money has been substituted for it. Like 'to
be,' money forms a metonymic succession with that for which
it stands, but it does so by actually interrupting that act and
placing itself in the middle of it, pushing the first product away.
The buyer's money often begins the process in the same space with
the product it is being exchanged for (contiguous with it), but
then, acting on the axis of metaphor, it physically supplants the
seller's product, changing hands.
The substitution of money for a product anticipates
the substitution of the money for another product, and a reversal
of the roles of seller and buyer. Since money takes the place of
all products as their general equivalent, it has the character
of generality, which they do not. Every time it takes their place,
it provides this character of generality and connection with
others in the society, for that particular transaction. Every time it
is given away for other products, this character of generality
and connection is given away by the buyer. The substitution of the
act of exchange for money for the direct act of substitution of
one product for another in barter does almost the same thing in
the economic realm that the verb 'to be' does in the definition.
It creates a metonymic moment with what it has substituted
(the products)--but this requires human beings to take part in
the 'phrase' as actors. The actors take turns in their roles of seller
and buyer, and this alters the metonymic succession, keeping it
from developing into other kinds of 'sentences' beyond
the 'definition.'6
The exchangers can, however, operate upon the plane
of substitution and buy in order to sell, so as to increase the
quantity of general equivalent that they hold. The linguistic axis
of metonymy is recreated in another way in the addition
of quantitatively and qualitatively similar units to one another
(one plus one plus one) in the numerical system by which value
is assessed in price. This also permits the addition of sums of
money to one another, which provides the possibility of hoarding and
the development of capital.
Since it has retained the character of material gift
and concept sample in a situation of private property, money
actually does have to be physically substituted for products and received
or given away in their place (axis of metaphor). When it is
present in one's hands, they are not; when they are present, it is not.
And we do actually have to carry it around with us in order to give
it to others, as a substitute for their products. The process
of linguistic substitution has come full circle; the word has been
re-incarnated. Swift's scenario has also proved true. (Little do
we know, we have the verb 'to be' jingling in our pockets.) I
believe that subconscious reasons often influence the symbols, as well
as the words that 'stick' in our culture. Thus, the striking
similarity of the dollar sign '$' to 'is' seems to me to support
the identification of 'to be' with money.7
Money substitutes the seller's product, and exchange
for money substitutes the act of substitution for her own
product, which will take place when she, the seller, becomes a buyer.
If the situation had been one of barter, each person's
product would have been substituted by the product of the
other. Rather than receiving the buyer's product directly, the
seller receives its substitute in the artificial product, money. At
the same time, this substitution anticipates the next
substitution by the next seller. The whole process takes the place of
the process of barter, which takes the place of giftgiving.
Exchange for money creates a temporal lapse in the
metonymic succession of the moments of barter. Money can be
exchanged for one product and then held for days or years before it
is exchanged for another. It pulls the interaction together in
its different moments, creating its own social space, the
market. Exchange takes the products and the material 'word,'
which defines them out of context (physically decontextualizes
them) in a way which emphasizes the decontextualized aspect of
the definition.
Since money has the character of measure of value,
it functions also as a word in that respect, on the axis
of 'metaphor' (substitution). In its defining mode, it answers
the
question 'what is it?' with a
price.8 The market may be seen as the social area in which products and their
general equivalent are taken out of context in order to define, evaluate
and exchange them. This co-existence and shifting of planes,
and the use of verbal mechanisms in nonverbal areas, allows
for the introduction of variables which would not exist
with either giftgiving or barter.
In the situation of barter, one person's product equals
the other's. However, both are individual products, and they
belong to a dyad. They only substitute each other and, though this
gives them a common quality reciprocally as substitutes, no
general concept can be formed with regard to them because a
one-many relation is necessary for that to happen. Then the whole
process of exchange for money takes the place of barter, so that
a concept-formation type of process is put into effect
regarding those two or any individual products, expressing their
common quality as substitutes for each other but related to all
other products and, therefore, having general value.
Because of the situation of scarcity and the mutual
exclusion of private property, the exchangers only want to
exchange quantitatively equal items, so they must be able to evaluate
them, to know 'what they are' in terms of price. The linguistic
dialectic comes into play again: What they are 'for others' in general in
the society determines what they are, what price they will have,
for the individuals, as well. A social need for this evaluation (and
for the substitute equivalent in which it is made) begins to exist as
a communicative need, an element which is necessary for
the communication and interaction of the persons regarding
the transmission (giving) to one another of their private property.
Then we seem to need the substitute equivalent money
for itself, not for the products it substitutes. What was a
linguistic communicative need has become a material need on
the economic plane. This has happened because private
property
alters the giftgiving co-munity, isolating us from each other
as owners of goods. Our lack of material co-munication creates
a situation similar to that of isolated consciousnesses
without language. We therefore have a common need for the means of
co-munication, of establishing and altering our relations to
each other with regard to things--in this case our private
property. This means of co-munication is the material gift
concept-sample substitute, money. Exchange value is the product's
value (relevance) to distorted material co-munication (exchange) in
a situation of private property. It is quantitatively
assessable through the material sample equivalent and substitute gift ($).
From a third person, outsider point of view, the 'phrase'
in which money is the verb 'to be' becomes complete by
repetition (for example, one shirt equals twenty dollars equals ten pounds
of beans). And from that point of view, the interactors are
indeed satisfying each other's needs, each giving to the other what
she does not have and receiving from the other what she
needs. Money is simply a substitute gift, given from one to the
other, satisfying the communicative need that arises every time she
has to decide what to receive from others. But of course, these
are rose-colored 'objective' glasses. In fact, if a person's product
or work cannot be sold, it is outside the market (as if it were
beyond the confines of the concept) and does not 'exist' as far
as exchange is concerned. It is not substitutable by another
product, and there will be no act of substitution by the money-verb $
in regard to it. If her work is valueless for others, her decision as
to what to receive to satisfy her need is completely powerless.
Her demand is not 'effective.' Her need does not 'exist,'
because giftgiving to needs has itself been substituted.
Being and the Aberrant Norm
The similar functions of the verb 'to be,' the Phallus
and money suggest a connection among the different realms
of language, sexuality, and economics. This is a connection which
is
'genetic' in the sense that masculation provides the genesis of
the Phallus and of money, as well as the phallic investment of 'to
be.'9 If the father did not take the place of the mother as sample,
there would be no possibility of substituting that act of
substitution. (There would be no act of substitution there to
substitute.) Masculation would no longer exist to project exchange
onto society as its economic way, so there would be no
communicative need for money, and it would not have the function of the
word. The verb 'to be' itself would not become hypostatized, because
it would not be invested psychologically by equivalence with
the Phallus. Thus, while the connections may indeed be there,
they are artificial--because masculation itself is an
artificial, unnecessary and damaging aspect of the boy's
socialization. Together, the Phallus, money, and 'to be' confirm a false
picture, or to say it in another way, they are all the 'marks' of the
aberrant norm.
Perhaps the real problem is precocious Phallic
genitalization taking the place of the oral stage for children. The penis
or Phallus would take the place of the breast as invested object
of interest. The boy's 'mark' 'gives' him privilege, because it
puts him in the 'superior' category--in a manipulative, if 'x' then
'y' way--while the mother's breasts gave to him directly.
Its erotization coincides with the estrangement of the boy into
the privileged, non-nurturing category. Thus, it may appear not
only that he gave up the breast and got the penis, but the gift
process may become identified with the internal sensations of eating
and evacuating (having to do with the oral stage), while his change
of category has to do with genitalization and the penis (an
external part of the body). The gender identity of the boy then
depends upon a polar equation with the (bigger) father, who is always
in
the equivalent position and is the large sample of
genitalization. Thus, the boy's identification in relation to a polarized
equivalent takes over from the giftgiving, turntaking and sometimes
playful construction of identity with the mother. Here
quantification begins to be important, because the quantity (size) of the
phallus may appear to be the reason the father, not the boy, is in
the polarized 'one' position. Phallic quantity appears to be the
most important quality.10
Quantitative Material Co-munication
It is not a qualitative word or evaluation that is given
in exchange but a quantitative word or evaluation. Money does
the same thing on the material plane that words do on the
verbal. Prices explicitly express material co-municative needs
as quantities of money. They are served by quantities of
material money taking over the role of words-as-gifts. The
co-municative need that prices express is the need for a means of
co-munication the sellers of those products do not have. Money is the word,
but differently from language, the 'communicators' have to
produce (and actually give up) the things it stands for in order to get
it. Money, like male identity is an incarnated word. In
its transference onto the material plane, it too has become
somewhat distorted away from the original word functions. Like a word,
its only real use is in being given to others; yet money can
be hoarded and accumulated.
Because money is the general gift substitute for the act
of substitution, it influences every particular act of
substitution (exchange) by relating it to all the others. Money is the
material in which the values of products relative to each other and to
us can be quantitatively expressed. As such, it is like language
in which words are available to express the qualitative values of
all
the parts of our world in relation to each other and to us.
Money is a one-word (material) language.11 Those who do not have it cannot 'speak.' They do not belong to the 'species,' the
category of those who do have it.12
1Perhaps 'to exist' is almost as general.
2In the definition, a continuing tension or polarity between what is said and what
is not said, what is present as an equivalent and what is excluded, aids in the
fore-grounding of relevant elements or items, as opposed to those which are not
relevant or valuable at the moment. If I say 'a cat is a four legged animal,' for instance, I
do not need to say 'a cat is not a two-legged animal' or 'two-legged is not
four-legged, because the assertion of 'four-legged' already excludes 'two-legged.'
The foregrounding of elements that takes place gradually in the concept formation
process (and more or less deliberately in the definition) is simply implied in the use of
words for communicative need satisfaction in the flow of adult speech.
3Metaphor and metonymy (substitution and combination) are two poles of
language function which are also found in aphasia (speech loss) in a 'similarity disorder' or
a 'contiguity disorder.' See Roman Jakobson, op.
cit., Ch.7.
4We should suspect 'objectivity' as a reification or fetishization having to do with
phallic property and its analogs, from toy cars and trains to guns and missiles. The boy's
male identity concept and private property are two transposed concept relations among
things as opposed to an ad hoc giving-and-receiving identity. Thus a concept relation
among things constitutes the male identity, not a configuration of subjectivities
constructed through giving and receiving. When things which have been deprived of their
gift character are proposed as 'presents' to be re-'presented' the gift connection between
the levels becomes invisible. The 'present' appears to have only to do with time not with
the gift. However, perhaps the temporal aspect of 'present' derives from the fact that
the satisfaction of needs focusses us on the here and now.
5 To Be or Not: An E-Prime
Anthology, ISGS, San Francisco, 1992.
6In barter, exchange remains a particular dyad, not in relation to a
general equivalent. A barter system provides many moments of dyadic exchange requiring
calculations of equivalence according to time or some other standard. It is important not
to confuse barter with giftgiving. Barter is still giving-in-order-to-receive,
while giftgiving is directed towards the need of the other. The logics are different.
The barter systems and alternative monies that are presently being developed in green
and bio-regionalist groups might be considered a step towards a gift economy.
However, they continue to be based on exchange and contain the defects of exchange, one
of which is taking-the-place-of giftgiving. I want to be very clear that giftgiving
and barter are not the same thing. Abolishing money is like abolishing the verb 'to be.'
It doesn't solve the problems caused by masculation and exchange.
7Money is actually an icon of words in that every instance of a coin of one
denomination is considered the 'same thing,' making it possible for 'one thing' to be
many places at once, which is what allows it to become general like the word.
8Both the market and language are ways of determining whether something is
the 'same thing,' having the same value for the people involved, whether this is
cultural-linguistic or economic value. The determination of a price is a collective
process similar to the collective attribution of value, which gives rise to a name.
9For the present argument, the Phallus re-presents or takes the place of the act
of substitution of the father for the mother, making its function similar to that of
the verb 'to be,' with the general social symbolic character that
Lacan believed was norm-al. Jean Joseph Goux has much to say on the Phallus and money as the
general equivalent in Symbolic Economies: After Marx and
Freud translated from the French by Jennifer Curtiss Gage, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1990 [1973]. I
highly recommend Goux's book for a more psychoanalytic and historical approach to
many of these issues, at least those regarding exchange.
10Jerry Fodor says that Vigotsky's idea of the concept is too philosophical
and criticizes his belief that the concept requires the abstraction of a 'sensory
invariant.' Yet we have been describing a widespread situation in which the male 'mark' is
the sensory invariant of the privileged category, 'abstracted' by our childrearing
practices. Money is the sensory invariant for the privileged category of people who
have succeeded in being economic 'ones.' See J. A. Fodor 1972 "Some Reflections on
L.S. Vigotsky's Thought and Language" in Cognition 1, 83-95.
11As Jerry Martien shows
(op. cit.), wampum was a many-word material language. It
is not surprising that the Europeans redefined wampum in terms of their one
word material language, money.
12 It is as if there were a moment in pre-history when those who could speak
became part of the group and those who could not were left to die, in a cruel
'evolutionary' strategy. We seem to be imitating that pre-historic moment. Those who 'have'
the word are privileged and those who 'have not' seem to deserve to die. From the
Greeks for whom everyone who did not speak Greek was a 'barbarian' to modern speakers
of any language other than standard English, those who do not possess the
'sample' language are excluded from the privileged category.
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